Deregulated financial markets have taken a terrible toll on America’s working families. Whether measured in lost jobs and homes, lower earnings, eroding retirement security or devastated communities, workers have paid the price for Wall Street’s greed. But in reality, the cost of deregulation and financial alchemy are far higher. The lasting damage is in missed opportunities and investments not made in the real economy. While money poured into exotic mortgage-backed securities and hedge funds, our pressing need for investments in clean energy, infrastructure, education and health care went unmet.
So the challenge of reregulating our financial markets, like the challenge of restoring workers’ rights in the workplace, is central to securing the economic future of our country and the world. In 2006, while the Bush administration was in the midst of plans for further deregulation, the AFL-CIO warned of the dangers of unregulated, leveraged finance. That call went unheeded as the financial catastrophe gathered momentum in 2007 and 2008, and now a different day is upon us. The costs of the deregulation illusion have become clear to all but a handful of unrepentant ideologues, and the public cast its votes in November for candidates who promised to end the era of rampant financial speculation and deregulation.
In October, when Congress authorized the $700 billion financial bailout, it also established an Oversight Panel to both monitor the bailout and make recommendations on financial regulatory reform. The panel’s report lays the foundation for what Congress and the Obama administration must do.
First, we must recognize that financial regulation has three distinct purposes: (1) ensuring the safety and soundness of insured, regulated institutions; (2) promoting transparency in financial markets; and (3) guaranteeing fair dealing in financial markets, so investors and consumers are not exploited. In short, no gambling with public money, no lying and no stealing.
To achieve these goals, we need regulatory agencies with focused missions. We must have a revitalized Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), with the jurisdiction to regulate hedge funds, derivatives, private equity and any new investment vehicles that are developed. The Commodity Futures Trading Commission should be merged with the SEC to end regulatory arbitrage in investor protection.
Second, we must have an agency focused on protecting consumers of financial services, such as mortgages and credit cards. We have paid a terrible price for treating consumer protection as an afterthought in bank regulation.
Third, we need to reduce regulatory arbitrage in bank regulation. At a minimum, the Office of Thrift Supervision, the regulator of choice for bankrupt subprime lenders such as Washington Mutual and IndyMac, should be consolidated with other federal bank regulators.
Fourth, financial stability must be a critical goal of financial regulation. This is what is meant by creating a systemic risk regulator. Such a regulator must be a fully public agency, and it must be able to draw upon the information and expertise of the entire regulatory system. While the Federal Reserve Board of Governors must be involved in this process, it cannot undertake it on its own.
We must have routine regulation of the shadow capital markets. Hedge funds, derivatives and private equity are nothing new—they are just devices for managing money, selling insurance and securities and engaging in the credit markets without being subject to regulation. As President Obama said during the campaign, “We need to regulate institutions for what they do, not what they are.” Shadow market institutions and products must be subject to transparency and capital requirements and fiduciary duties befitting what they are actually doing.
Reform also is required in the incentives governing key market actors around executive pay and credit rating agencies. There must be accountability for this disaster in the form of clawbacks for pay awarded during the bubble. According to Bloomberg, the five largest investment banks handed out $145 billion in bonuses in the five years preceding the crash, a larger amount than the GDP of Pakistan and Egypt.
Congress and the administration must make real President Obama’s commitment to end short-termism and pay without regard to risk in financial institutions. The AFL-CIO recently joined with the Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable in endorsing the Aspen Principles on Long-Term Value Creation that call for executives to hold stock-based pay until after retirement. Those principles must be embodied in the regulation of financial institutions. We strongly support the new SEC chair’s effort to address the role played by weak boards and CEO compensation in the financial collapse. With regard to credit rating agencies, Congress must end the model where the issuer pays.
Financial reregulation must be global to address the continuing fallout from deregulation. The AFL-CIO urges the Obama administration to make a strong and enforceable global regulatory floor a diplomatic priority, beginning with the G-20 meeting in April. The AFL-CIO has worked closely with the European Trade Union Congress and the International Trade Union Confederation in ensuring that workers are represented in this process. We commend President Obama for convening the President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board, chaired by former Federal Reserve Chair Paul Volcker, author of the G-30 report on global financial regulation, and we look forward to working with Chairman Volcker in this vital area.
Reregulation requires statutory change, regulatory change, institutional reconstruction and diplomatic efforts. The challenge is great, but it must be addressed, even as we move forward to restore workers’ rights and revive the economy more broadly.